Journal of Constitutional and Governance Studies https://journal.uii.ac.id/JCGS <p><strong>Journal of Constitutional and Governance Studies</strong> is a scientific journal in the field of Constitutional Law published by the Department of Constitutional Law, <a href="https://law.uii.ac.id/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Faculty of Law, Islamic University of Indonesia</a>. The Journal of Constitutional and Governance Studies is published periodically twice a year in May and November. This journal contains writings on the results of research and thoughts in the field of constitutional law covering issues such as elections, political parties, regional autonomy, human rights, judicial power, people's representative institutions, and other constitutional law issues.</p> en-US <p style="color: #000000; font-family: Verdana, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: 10px; font-style: normal; font-variant-ligatures: normal; font-variant-caps: normal; font-weight: 400; letter-spacing: normal; orphans: 2; text-align: start; text-indent: 0px; text-transform: none; white-space: normal; widows: 2; word-spacing: 0px; -webkit-text-stroke-width: 0px; text-decoration-style: initial; text-decoration-color: initial;">Authors who publish with this journal agree to the following terms:</p> <p style="color: #000000; font-family: Verdana, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: 10px; font-style: normal; font-variant-ligatures: normal; font-variant-caps: normal; font-weight: 400; letter-spacing: normal; orphans: 2; text-align: start; text-indent: 0px; text-transform: none; white-space: normal; widows: 2; word-spacing: 0px; -webkit-text-stroke-width: 0px; text-decoration-style: initial; text-decoration-color: initial;">a. 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[email protected] (Jeffri Ardiansyah) Thu, 13 Jun 2024 00:00:00 +0000 OJS 3.3.0.10 http://blogs.law.harvard.edu/tech/rss 60 Efficiency of The Regional Legislation Process: A Study of Simplification of Supervision of Regional Regulation Formation by Central Government https://journal.uii.ac.id/JCGS/article/view/32000 <p><em>The Central Government's oversight mechanism on the formation of Regional Regulations involves many institutions, which often slows down the process of its formation and even obscures the nature of Regional Regulations as a legal product of the implementation of regional autonomy. This article discusses regulatory policies in supervising the formation of regional regulations and reconstructing the form of supervision of the formation of regional regulations by the central government. There are several forms of central government oversight. First, Harmonization, rounding, and solidification of conceptions carried out by the Ministry of Law and Human Rights. Second, Facilitation carried out by the Minister of Home Affairs through the Director General of Regional Autonomy on the draft provincial regional regulations and the Governor as the Central Government Representative on the draft district/city regional regulations. Third, Evaluation of draft bylaws by the Minister of Home Affairs on provincial draft bylaws and the Governor on draft district/city bylaws whose types of draft bylaws have been stipulated in Law 23 of 2014. The conclusion of this article is: First, the form of central government supervision in the formation of regional regulations has so far involved many institutions so that it is not effective and efficient because it is necessary to simplify the supervision mechanism for the formation of regional regulations. Second, it is necessary to increase human resources, in this case the drafter of laws and regulations within the scope of Regional Government as an effort to improve the quality of regional regulations.</em><br /><em><strong>Keywords: Legislation, Regional Regulation, Supervision.</strong></em></p> <p><strong>Abstrak</strong><br />Mekanisme pengawasan Pemerintah Pusat terhadap pembentukan Peraturan Daerah melibatkan banyak lembaga, seringkali memperlambat proses pembentukan bahkan mengaburkan sifat Peraturan Daerah sebagai produk hukum pelaksanaan otonomi daerah. Artikel ini membahas kebijakan regulasi dalam mengawasi pembentukan peraturan daerah dan merekonstruksi bentuk pengawasan pembentukan peraturan daerah oleh pemerintah pusat. Hasil pembahasan menemukan, bahwa ada beberapa bentuk pengawasan pemerintah pusat. Pertama, Harmonisasi, pembulatan, dan pemantapan konsepsi yang dilakukan oleh Kementerian Hukum dan HAM. Kedua, Fasilitasi yang dilakukan oleh Menteri Dalam Negeri melalui Direktur Jenderal Otonomi Daerah terhadap rancangan peraturan daerah provinsi, dan Gubernur selaku Wakil Pemerintah Pusat atas rancangan peraturan daerah kabupaten/kota. Ketiga, Evaluasi rancangan peraturan daerah oleh Menteri Dalam Negeri terhadap rancangan peraturan daerah provinsi, dan Gubernur terhadap rancangan peraturan daerah kabupaten/kota yang jenis rancangan peraturan daerahnya telah diatur dalam UU No. 23 Tahun 2014. Kesimpulan dari artikel ini adalah: Pertama, bentuk pengawasan pemerintah pusat dalam pembentukan peraturan daerah selama ini melibatkan banyak lembaga sehingga tidak efektif dan efisien karena perlu menyederhanakan mekanisme pengawasan pembentukan peraturan daerah. Kedua, perlu peningkatan sumber daya manusia, dalam hal ini perancang peraturan perundang-undangan dalam lingkup Pemerintah Daerah sebagai upaya peningkatan kualitas peraturan daerah.<br /><strong>Kata Kunci: Pembentukan Peraturan, Peraturan Daerah, Pengawasan.</strong></p> Muhammad Erfa Redhani, Ahmad Fikri Hadin Copyright (c) 2024 Muhammad Erfa Redhani, Ahmad Fikri Hadin https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0 https://journal.uii.ac.id/JCGS/article/view/32000 Thu, 13 Jun 2024 00:00:00 +0000 Quo Vadis the Jakarta Special Regional Bill: Ideal Design Based on Constitutional Law Prespective https://journal.uii.ac.id/JCGS/article/view/33514 <p><em>The ratification of the IKN Law implies huge changes in the status of Jakarta, which was originally a special capital city into a special region with the status of a national economic center, global city, and agglomeration area. A new regulation is needed to rule this alteration. This has been responded by the House of Representatives of the Republic of Indonesia by drafting the DKJ Bill to date. However, the DKJ Bill caused many polemics about the status and position of Jakarta later. This study aims to examine the ideal design of the Jakarta Special Region Bill. This research uses a type of normative juridical research by examining various secondary data obtained through library research. The author uses a statutory approach and a conceptual approach. Based on the discussion, the DKJ Bill was drafted hastily, lack of public participation, and lack of public transparency with several provisions contradict to the spirit of regional autonomy. Although Jakarta will no longer be the capital city of Indonesia, Jakarta will be projected as an area devoted to being a business center and agglomeration with an autonomous regional government; in accordance with Article 18B of the 1945 NRI Constitution which is interpreted by the Constitutional Court in Decision Number 81/PUU-VIII / 2010. Therefore, the Government of Indonesia and the House of Representatives of the Republic of Indonesia must improve the bill a quo by implementing meaningful participation principle to emphasize the origin and characteristics of the region and the special status of Jakarta.</em><br /><em><strong>Keywords: New Capital City of Nusantara, IKN Law, DKJ Bill.</strong></em></p> <p><strong>Abstrak</strong><br />Pengesahan UU IKN memiliki implikasi yang serius atas status Jakarta yang semula merupakan ibu kota khusus, berubah menjadi daerah istimewa dengan status pusat ekonomi nasional, kota global, dan kawasan aglomerasi. Terkait dengan perubahan status Jakarta tersebut, maka perlu dibuat suatu peraturan baru untuk mengaturnya. DPR RI telah merespon dengan menyusun RUU DKJ. Namun, RUU DKJ tersebut menimbulkan banyak polemik menyangkut status dan kedudukan Jakarta di masa yang akan datang. Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengkaji desain ideal RUU Daerah Istimewa DKI Jakarta. Penelitian ini merupakan penelitian yuridis normatif dengan mengkaji berbagai data sekunder yang diperoleh melalui studi kepustakaan, dengan pendekatan perundang-undangan dan konseptual. Berdasarkan hasil analisis dapat disimpulkan bahwa, RUU DKJ disusun secara tergesa-gesa, kurang melibatkan partisipasi publik, dan tidak transparan serta terdapat ketentuan di dalamnya yang bertentangan dengan semangat otonomi daerah. Meskipun Jakarta tidak lagi menjadi ibu kota Indonesia, Jakarta akan diproyeksikan sebagai daerah otonomi yang dikhususkan sebagai pusat bisnis dan aglomerasi; sesuai dengan ketentuan Pasal 18B UUD NRI 1945 sebagaimana telah ditafsirkan oleh Mahkamah Konstitusi dalam Putusan Nomor 81/PUU-VIII/2010. Oleh karena itu, Pemerintah dan DPR RI harus memperbaiki RUU a quo dengan menerapkan prinsip partisipasi yang bermakna untuk mempertegas asal usul dan karakteristik daerah serta status istimewa Jakarta.<br /><strong>Kata kunci: Ibu Kota Baru Nusantara, UU IKN, RUU DKJ</strong></p> Diana, Juan Matheus, Hizkia Ivan Nugroho Copyright (c) 2024 Diana, Juan Matheus, Hizkia Ivan Nugroho https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0 https://journal.uii.ac.id/JCGS/article/view/33514 Thu, 13 Jun 2024 00:00:00 +0000 The Urgency of The Regulation of Legislative Power During The ‘Lame Duck’ Session to Optimize Constitutionalism https://journal.uii.ac.id/JCGS/article/view/33424 <p><em>This study explores the urgency of the regulation of legislative power during the "lame duck" session in Indonesia post-2024 Election. It focuses on understanding the condition, finding concrete solutions, and formulating policy recommendations to optimize the role of the legislature in facing the challenge. It employed the normative legal method, focusing on the analysis of legal documents, particularly in the context of the lame-duck session in Indonesia. The statutory approach was adopted to study laws and regulations in a comprehensive manner. Secondary data from literature review and library research support a qualitative analysis for a deeper understanding of the concept of law. It aims to contribute to the study of legislative power during the 'lame-duck' period in Indonesia. The findings of this research have important implications for the study of law in Indonesia, improvement of the quality of lawmaking, need for strict oversight and transparency, and law enforcement against corruption in the lawmaking. Reforms should be introduced to enhance internal and external oversight and change how policies are formulated. Therefore, political stability could be maintained and greater public trust could be fostered. It is of importance to establish good democracy and maintain political stability. Several recommendations are made to prevent and deal with the ‘lame duck’ session: (1) shortening the 'lame duck' period (transition); (2) promoting transparency and accountability; and (3) prohibiting lawmakers from convening sessions (except in the deliberation of APBN or emergency). They aim to strengthen constitutionalism in Indonesia.</em><br /><em><strong>Keywords: Legislative power, Lame Duck Session, Optimization of constitutionalism</strong></em></p> <p><strong>Abstrak</strong><br />Artikel ini mengeksplorasi urgensi pengaturan kekuasaan legislatif pada periode “bebek lumpuh” (lame duck) di Indonesia pasca Pemilu 2024. Fokusnya adalah memahami kondisi, mencari solusi konkrit, dan merumuskan rekomendasi kebijakan untuk mengoptimalkan peran legislatif dalam menghadapi tantangan tersebut. Metode yang digunakan adalah metode hukum normatif, dengan fokus pada analisis dokumen hukum, khususnya dalam konteks sidang lame-duck di Indonesia. Pendekatan perundang-undangan ditempuh untuk mengkaji peraturan perundang-undangan secara komprehensif. Data sekunder hasil kajian pustaka dan penelitian kepustakaan mendukung analisis kualitatif untuk memahami konsep hukum lebih dalam. Hal ini bertujuan untuk memberikan kontribusi terhadap kajian kekuasaan legislatif pada masa 'lame-duck' di Indonesia. Temuan penelitian ini mempunyai implikasi penting bagi kajian hukum di Indonesia, peningkatan kualitas pembuatan undang-undang, perlunya pengawasan dan transparansi yang ketat, serta penegakan hukum terhadap korupsi dalam pembuatan undang-undang. Reformasi harus dilakukan untuk meningkatkan pengawasan internal dan eksternal dan mengubah cara kebijakan dirumuskan. Oleh karena itu, stabilitas politik dapat dipertahankan dan kepercayaan masyarakat yang lebih besar dapat dipupuk. Pentingnya membangun demokrasi yang baik dan menjaga stabilitas politik. Beberapa rekomendasi dilakukan untuk mencegah dan menangani masa ‘lame duck’: (1) memperpendek masa ‘lame duck’ (transisi); (2) mendorong transparansi dan akuntabilitas; dan (3) melarang anggota DPR untuk mengadakan sidang (kecuali dalam pembahasan APBN atau darurat). Hal tersebut agar memperkuat konstitusionalisme di Indonesia.<br /><strong>Kata Kunci: Kekuasaan Legislatif, Sidang Lame Duck, Optimalisasi Konstitusionalisme</strong></p> Raihan Muhammad Copyright (c) 2024 Raihan Muhammad https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0 https://journal.uii.ac.id/JCGS/article/view/33424 Mon, 24 Jun 2024 00:00:00 +0000 Rejuvenation of National Defense and Security Policies in Facing Global Constellation Threats https://journal.uii.ac.id/JCGS/article/view/33508 <p><em>National defense and security policy is an important focus in dealing with threats that are developing amid the current global dynamics. In the Indonesian context, national security involves various aspects, not only physical but also non-physical such as political, economic and cyber. These non-physical threats are increasingly relevant with the rapid development of globalization. It was found that Indonesia has a sufficient legal framework to regulate national defense and security, but there are still differences in interpretation and integration between institutions. Threats to national defense and security are multidimensional, involving various sectors such as the military, police, intelligence and local government. The author uses doctrinal legal research method with primary legal materials in the form of regulations and laws, and secondary data in the form of books and scientific journals. This article analyzes the existing conditions related to defense strategies and policies as well as the state's efforts in facing political, economic, and global disruption threats. Strengthening the national defense and security system requires close cooperation between the government, society and the private sector. By optimizing future defense projections, Indonesia seeks to maintain state sovereignty and mitigate threats that may arise, especially from tensions between the United States and China.</em><br /><em><strong>Keywords: Threats, Defense and Security, Disruption, National Security Legal Plan</strong></em></p> <p><strong>Abstrak</strong><br />Kebijakan pertahanan dan keamanan nasional menjadi fokus penting dalam menghadapi ancaman yang berkembang di tengah dinamika global saat ini. Dalam konteks Indonesia, keamanan nasional menyangkut berbagai aspek, tidak hanya aspek fisik namun juga non fisik seperti politik, ekonomi, dan siber. Ancaman non-fisik tersebut semakin relevan dengan pesatnya perkembangan globalisasi. Ditemukan bahwa Indonesia memiliki kerangka hukum yang memadai untuk mengatur pertahanan dan keamanan negara, namun masih terdapat perbedaan interpretasi dan integrasi antar lembaga. Ancaman terhadap pertahanan dan keamanan negara bersifat multidimensi dan melibatkan berbagai sektor seperti TNI, Polri, Intelijen, dan Pemerintah Daerah. Penulis menggunakan metode penelitian hukum doktrinal dengan bahan hukum primer berupa peraturan dan perundang-undangan, serta data sekunder berupa buku dan jurnal ilmiah. Artikel ini menganalisis kondisi eksisting terkait strategi dan kebijakan pertahanan serta upaya negara dalam menghadapi ancaman disrupsi politik, ekonomi, dan global. Penguatan sistem pertahanan dan keamanan nasional memerlukan kerja sama yang erat antara pemerintah, masyarakat, dan sektor swasta. Dengan mengoptimalkan proyeksi pertahanan ke depan, Indonesia berupaya menjaga kedaulatan negara dan memitigasi ancaman yang mungkin timbul, terutama dari ketegangan antara Amerika Serikat dan Tiongkok.<br /><strong>Kata Kunci: Ancaman, Pertahanan dan Keamanan, Gangguan, Rencana Hukum Keamanan Nasional</strong></p> Baiq Aras Sakira Indil’an, Jesica Lestari, Rahma Laila Azzahra Copyright (c) 2024 Baiq Aras Sakira Indil’an, Jesica Lestari, Rahma Laila Azzahra https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0 https://journal.uii.ac.id/JCGS/article/view/33508 Mon, 24 Jun 2024 00:00:00 +0000 The Paradigm Of Islamic Jurisprudence On Minority In A Democratic State Concept https://journal.uii.ac.id/JCGS/article/view/31494 <p><em>Countries with a Muslim majority, like Indonesia, for example, should understand how to treat minority groups, especially those of different religions, so as not to fall into intolerance. The steps can be started from understanding the Islamic paradigm in viewing the concept of minorities. This article reviews Islam's perspective on minorities, and how the majority should treat minorities. The Islamic perspective is different from the Western perspective towards minorities. In Islam, minorities have the same position as the majority. The majority do not have any privileges, so they must treat minorities well and not discriminate. The basic principle of ummah wahidah can be used as a basis for relations between the majority and minorities.</em><br /><em><strong>Keywords: Minority, Non-Muslim, Majority, Islamic Jurisprudence, Democracy</strong></em></p> <p><strong>Abstrak</strong><br />Negara yang mayoritas penduduknya beragama Islam, seperti Indonesia misalnya, hendaknya memahami cara memperlakukan kelompok minoritas, terutama yang berbeda agama, agar tidak terjerumus ke dalam intoleransi. Langkahnya bisa dimulai dari memahami paradigma Islam dalam memandang konsep minoritas. Artikel ini mengulas perspektif Islam terhadap minoritas, dan bagaimana seharusnya kelompok mayoritas memperlakukan minoritas. Perspektif Islam berbeda dengan perspektif Barat terhadap kelompok minoritas. Dalam Islam, minoritas mempunyai kedudukan yang sama dengan mayoritas. Kelompok mayoritas tidak mempunyai keistimewaan sehingga harus memperlakukan kelompok minoritas dengan baik dan tidak melakukan diskriminasi. Prinsip dasar ummah wahidah dapat dijadikan landasan hubungan antara mayoritas dan minoritas.<br /><strong>Kata Kunci: Minoritas, Non-Muslim, Mayoritas, Fikih Islam, Demokrasi</strong></p> Ahmad Sadzali Copyright (c) 2024 Ahmad Sadzali https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0 https://journal.uii.ac.id/JCGS/article/view/31494 Mon, 24 Jun 2024 00:00:00 +0000 The Implications of the Implementation of Lawmaking During the Lame Duck Session for the President's Impartiality in the 2024 Election https://journal.uii.ac.id/JCGS/article/view/33460 <p><em>PP 53/2023 led to skepticism over the president's impartiality as he dishonestly supported one of the presidential candidate pairs in the election. During a lame duck session, when a president can no longer be elected, he or she does not want to change election rules, but only focuses on leaving a good legacy during his or her term. However, Indonesia experienced an anomaly when President Joko Widodo's eldest son, Gibran Rakabuming Raka (Gibran), was nominated as a vice presidential candidate. Article 18 of PP 53/2023 says that the President, Vice President, leaders and members of the People's Consultative Assembly, leaders and members of DPR, leaders and members of DPD, ministers and ministerial-level officials, governors, vice governors, regents, vice regents, mayors, and vice mayors running for presidency and/or vice presidency do not need to resign their post. For this reason, There are several research questions to address in this study. First, how anomalous is lawmaking during the lame duck period in Indonesia? Second, how did the lame duck session lead to the president's partiality in the 2024 election? by employing the normative legal research method and using the comparative and statute approaches, the author identifies 2 (two) topics in this paper. First, in 2024 there was an anomaly in government during the lame duck session. An official was involved in the election at the end of his term. Second, the implications of the absence of restriction during the lame duck period allowed the president to be partial, giving an advantage to one pair of the presidential and/or vice presidential candidates.</em><br /><em><strong>Keywords: lame duck, election, president</strong></em></p> <p><strong>Abstrak</strong><br />Proses terbit dan materi muatan Pasal 18 PP 53/2023 menimbulkan problematik jika dikaitkan dengan penyelenggaraan pemilu yang jujur dan adil sesuai semangat yang diatur dalam Pasal 22E UUD NRI 1945. Munculnya PP 53/2023 jelas menguntungkan pihak-pihak tertentu, karena para pejabat negara tidak perlu mengundurkan diri apabila disaat yang bersamaan mencalonkan diri sebagai presiden dan/atau wakil presiden. Istilah lame duck session nampaknya relevan jika dikaitkan dengan peristiwa ini. Penelitian ini mengkaji dua hal, pertama, bagaimana anomali pembentukan hukum selama periode lame duck di Indonesia? kedua, bagaimana pengaruh periode lame duck pada keberpihakan presiden dalam pemilihan presiden/dan wakil presiden tahun 2024. Dengan menggunakan penelitian yuridis normatif dengan pendekatan komparatif dan perundang-undangan. Hasil penelitian memberikan 2 (dua) kesimpulan. Pertama, di 2024, terdapar anomali pada pemerintahan selama lame duck session ketika pemerintahan ikut terlibat dalam pemilihan umum dalam akhir masa jabatanya. Kedua, implikasi dari ketiadaan pembatasan selama periode lame duck memberikan kesempatan bagi presiden untuk memihak yang memberikan kesempatan pada salah satu pasangan kandidat presiden dan wakil presiden<br /><strong>Kata Kunci: lame duck, pemilihan umum, presiden</strong></p> Muhammad Anugerah Perdana Copyright (c) 2024 Muhammad Anugerah Perdana https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0 https://journal.uii.ac.id/JCGS/article/view/33460 Tue, 25 Jun 2024 00:00:00 +0000